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Note: This document is from the archive of the Africa Policy E-Journal, published by the Africa Policy Information Center (APIC) from 1995 to 2001 and by Africa Action from 2001 to 2003. APIC was merged into Africa Action in 2001. Please note that many outdated links in this archived document may not work.


Africa: Monterrey Promises, 2 Africa: Monterrey Promises, 2
Date distributed (ymd): 020320
Document reposted by Africa Action

Africa Policy Electronic Distribution List: an information service provided by AFRICA ACTION (incorporating the Africa Policy Information Center, The Africa Fund, and the American Committee on Africa). Find more information for action for Africa at http://www.africaaction.org

+++++++++++++++++++++Document Profile+++++++++++++++++++++

Region: Continent-Wide
Issue Areas: +economy/development+ +US policy focus+

SUMMARY CONTENTS:

This posting contains excerpts from a briefing paper on poverty reduction released by Oxfam International on the eve of global Financing for Development Conference being held this week in Monterrey. The Oxfam paper serves as one benchmark for the enormous gap between the rhetoric of world leaders, including new promises rolled out for Monterrey, and the reality of actual resources delivered for public investment to address global inequality.

A related posting also distributed today contains a brief statement by Africa Action on issues neglected or ignored at Monterrey, as well as a recent action alert on the privatization of water in Ghana - an illustration of how policies imposed by "donors" in the guise of "reform" in fact add additional burdens on the poor and undermine the purported commitment to poverty reduction.

The official Financing for Development conference site, with live webcast, speeches, and other documents, is available at: http://www.un.org/ffd

+++++++++++++++++end profile++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Oxfam Briefing Paper

Last Chance in Monterrey: Meeting the Challenge of Poverty Reduction

Oxfam International 2002

March 2002

Oxfam International is a confederation of twelve development agencies that work in 120 countries throughout the developing world. Oxfam International Advocacy Office, 1112 16th St., NW, Ste. 600, Washington, DC 20036 Phone 1.202.496.1170, Fax 1.202.496.0128, E-mail: [email protected], http://www.oxfam.org

[Excerpts only. The full report can be found, in downloadable Word format, on the Oxfam International web site: http://www.oxfam.org]

13 March 2002

Summary

The International Conference on Financing for Development, to be held in Monterrey, Mexico, from 18-22 March, provides a last opportunity to mobilise the financial resources needed to achieve the internationally agreed Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Failure to grasp that opportunity will result in millions of avoidable child deaths, act as a brake on poverty reduction, and reinforce already obscene inequalities between rich and poor.

The Millennium Development Goals call for universal primary education, the halving of world poverty, and a two-thirds reduction in child deaths, with the targets to be achieved by 2015. Each of the MDGs is achievable but only with political resolve in poor countries, backed by an adequate flow of resources from rich countries.

On present trends, all the MDGs will be missed by a wide margin. Dozens of countries are off-track. If present trends continue, there will be 10 million child deaths in 2015, compared with a target of 4.6 million. The cumulative gap between MDG target rates for reducing child mortality and present trends amounts to 56 million additional deaths between 2000-15.

Trend is not destiny. All of these outcomes, and the vast loss of potential and suffering associated with them, are avoidable. But without a renewed aid effort, it will be too late to achieve the MDGs.

Various estimates have been made of the costs of achieving the MDGs. The World Bank suggests an indicative range of $40-60bn in additional aid per annum. While difficult to calculate exactly how much money is needed, the estimates made are in Oxfam's view significant understatements of the resources needed. The real cost of achieving the MDGs by 2015 will be approximately $100bn in extra aid per annum.

The headline figure is large, but affordable. Ten years ago, donors pledged to spend 0.7 per cent of their GNP on aid. Had they met this target, they would now be spending an extra $114bn. Instead, they have cut their aid budgets, to 0.22 per cent of GNP. Per capita aid to sub-Saharan Africa, the region that is furthest off track for the 2015 goals, fell from $34 to $20 in the second half of the 1990s.

The financing requirements for achieving the 0.7 per cent target are modest in relation to government expenditure. The average increase in government spending required for the G7 countries would be around 1.4 per cent.

Northern governments should set a five-year time frame for achieving the 0.7 per cent aid target. This would generate $130bn a year in additional financing by 2007 sufficient not just to achieve the MDGs, but to sustain a broader campaign against poverty. ...

The current political background gives little cause for optimism. Several major donors including Italy, France, Germany, and Japan have been cutting aid. Others, notably the US, are allowing aid programmes to stagnate at exceptionally low levels. Britain has set an encouraging trend by increasing aid. However, its performance falls far short of the standards required for a country seeking to provide leadership. ...

Some Northern governments have stressed that 'trade not aid' should be the dominant theme at the conference. That approach is disingenuous on two counts. First, rich countries have failed to open their markets to poor countries. Second, increased aid is vital for the world's poorest countries if they are to grasp the opportunities provided through trade.

Oxfam is calling on each OECD government to agree to the following:

  • The international donor community should establish a five-year timeframe for reaching the 0.7 per cent of GNP aid target
  • Each low-income and middle-income country should develop clear plans to realise the MDGs and work with donors in estimating the financing required
  • The donor community should fully finance the $10bn Global Fund to Fight AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria, and the wider programme advocated by the Commission on Macroeconomics and Health
  • Donors should act on their commitment to ensure that no national strategy for achieving universal access to good quality education fails for want of finance by developing a global initiative on education. This would cost an extra $13bn per year.

Two years ago, rich-country governments joined their counterparts in the developing world in making a solemn pledge to win the war against poverty. It is time to redeem that pledge. Since the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, Northern governments have embarked on a war against the evils of terrorism. But they have yet to commit themselves seriously to the war against the evils of mass poverty, disease, and illiteracy.

The Monterrey conference provides an opportunity to make that commitment. Northern governments have a choice. They can continue the current practice of using UN summits to deliver large volumes of rhetoric on poverty reduction, devoid of any financing commitments. Or they can commit themselves to the investments in poverty reduction, health, and education that could transform the lives of poor people, creating the foundations for shared prosperity. At a time when globalisation is on trial as never before, they cannot afford to fail.

Background

...

Sixty years ago, the Marshall Plan laid the foundations for the social and economic recovery of Europe after the Second World War. Its architect warned that shared prosperity and collective security in one part of the world could not be protected if mass poverty and hunger reigned elsewhere. Political leaders of the day also had the vision to act.

Contrasts with today are striking. While governments in the rich world seldom miss an opportunity to offer rhetorical commitments on poverty reduction, they have collectively cut aid budgets to their lowest-ever levels in real terms. Today, they are spending 0.22 per cent of their GNP on development assistance, one-fifth of the level provided to Europe under the Marshall Plan. While the world's poor may figure prominently in the pre-Monterrey rhetoric of Northern governments, they are conspicuous by their absence from the priorities that guide budget allocations.

Starved of financial resources, strategies to close the huge gaps in health, education, and living standards between rich and poor are failing. The prosperity generated by globalisation in one part of the world has gone hand in hand with mass poverty elsewhere. ...

Failure to act will reinforce inequalities between rich and poor countries, and call into question the willingness of Northern governments to support more inclusive forms of globalisation. While private capital flows to poor countries are increasing, those countries with the most entrenched poverty are being bypassed. ... Sub-Saharan Africa faces particularly acute problems. Data can express in statistical terms the gap between MDG targets and current trends. But behind the numbers are millions of preventable child deaths, tens of millions of children denied an opportunity for education, and a vast loss of potential associated with poverty.

Considerations of social justice, moral imperatives, and self-interest combine to make an overwhelming case for decisive action at Monterrey. Unfortunately, none of the proposals so far tabled by Northern governments are even remotely commensurate with the scale of the challenge.

1 Missing the targets

The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were a concrete expression of what governments described as their 'collective responsibility to uphold the principles of human development'. They endorsed a broad set of targets for 2015, including the halving of extreme poverty (using 1990 as a base year), a two-thirds reduction in child poverty (again with 1990 as a base year), and universal primary education. If actual outcomes are used as a measure of performance, governments are demonstrably failing to discharge their collective responsibility. While human welfare has continued to improve, it has done so at rates falling far short of those required.

Child mortality and health

Nowhere is this more apparent than in relation to child mortality. Using UNICEF data, Oxfam has charted trends in child mortality against the rate of improvement required to achieve the 2015 goal. The picture that emerges is a disturbing one.

In the year 2000, there were 10.9 million deaths among children below the age of five. If the world were on track for achieving the MDGs, that figure would have been 8.9 million. In other words, the gap between the 2015 target rate and the actual child death rate was equivalent to around 2 million child deaths. That gap will have doubled by 2015. On current trends there will be 9.6 million child deaths in that year, compared with an MDG target of 4.2 million (Figure 1). The cumulative total of additional child deaths between 2000-2015 resulting from the widening gap between the MDG target rate and current trends will amount to 56 million a massive loss of life.

There are striking regional variations in these trends. The gap between trend and target rates is widest in sub-Saharan Africa. In 1990, the region accounted for just under one-third of child deaths worldwide. By 2015 that share will have climbed to 55 per cent. While South Asia is reducing child mortality more rapidly than Africa, it too is off-track for the 2015 goal. If present trends continue there will be 2.5 million child deaths in 2015, compared with a target of 1 million under the 2015 scenario.

The bleak prospects for child mortality reflect a failure to address both old challenges and new threats. Acute respiratory tract infection and diarrhoea both continue to kill more than two million people a year. Most of the victims are children almost all of them are poor. Among the new threats, the magnitude of the HIV/AIDS epidemic far exceeds the worst expectations of a decade ago. It is estimated that 40 million people are infected. Over 16 million of the victims are women and another 1.4 million are children under the age of fifteen. HIV/AIDS is one of the most powerful barriers to achieving the 2015 targets in Africa, where it is now the leading cause of death. An estimated 25 million people in the region are living with the disease.

Poverty-related malnutrition is at the heart of the failure to accelerate progress in child mortality. There have been advances. UNICEF estimates suggest that the prevalence of malnutrition fell from 32 per cent to 28 per cent in the 1990s. However, progress has been uneven and inadequate. In sub-Saharan Africa, almost one-third of children suffer from malnutrition, which is the same proportion as ten years ago (with the actual number of cases increasing). In South Asia malnutrition rates have been falling, but even so, the 1990s ended with almost half of all children suffering malnutrition.

Women continue to face disproportionate health risks. Over half a million die each year from problems related to pregnancy and childbirth. For every death, 30 more women are estimated to suffer serious injury and infection. Almost half of these deaths occur in sub- Saharan Africa, and another one-third in South Asia. In sub-Saharan Africa, women face a 1 in 13 chance of dying in childbirth, compared with a risk of 1 in 4,085 in industrialised countries. While there are serious problems in measuring maternal mortality trends, evidence suggests that there has been little change since the early 1990s.

Progress in child and maternal mortality is intimately linked to improved access to water. Around one-half of the developing world's population some 2.5 billion people lack access to basic medical goods and services, or to safe water and sanitation. Lack of access to water contributes directly to death and illness. It is implicated in the deaths of the 2.2 million people from diarrhoea, the vast majority of them children. Poor sanitation is also linked to the problem of intestinal worms. These afflict an estimated 400 million school-age children, contributing to malnutrition, anaemia, and an impaired ability to learn.

...

The financing gap

Various attempts have been made to estimate the additional aid costs of achieving the MDGs. According to the World Bank an extra $40-60bn in additional aid will be required for the next 15 years. This is broadly consistent with the estimate of the Zedillo report, which was prepared in advance of the Financing for Development conference at the request of the UN Secretary General.

Any attempt to estimate costs for achieving the MDGs includes an element of speculation. However, both of the above exercises err on the side of understatement, almost certainly by a very wide margin. The World Bank's estimates understate the cost of achieving the MDG health goals, and associated investments in water and sanitation.

Drawing on the World Bank's own data, supplemented by estimates carried out for the Commission on Macroeconomics and Health, Oxfam estimates the real costs to be closer to $100bn (see table 1).

Table 1

Additional aid financing requirements ($bn)NHalving income poverty             46
Reaching MDGs for public health    32
Universal primary education  (including incentives for girls
education)                         13
Access to water                     9
Total                              100

The costs of this investment in human development have to be assessed against the potential benefits, both human and economic. According to the Commission on Macroeconomics and Health, aid investments equivalent to 0.1 per cent of the GNP of industrialised countries could avert eight million deaths a year by 2015. Using what it acknowledges as extremely conservative estimates, the Commission suggests that the increased wealth generated by improved health would represent three times the costs of increased health spending by rich and poor countries. ...

Closing the financing gap: a five-year schedule for achieving the 0.7 per cent target

An important question for the Monterrey conference is whether or not the financing requirements for achieving the MDGs are affordable. The answer is an unequivocal 'yes'. While all rich-country governments face budget constraints, none would be unable to meet the UN target of spending 0.7 per cent of GNP on aid if this were a political priority.

When the world's governments met at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, they adopted a programme for action Agenda 21 setting out policies for combating poverty and improving living standards. Northern governments agreed to finance their share of the costs of these policies, partly by raising aid to 0.7 per cent of their GNP.

In the decade since the Earth Summit, aid spending has declined substantially. According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), official development assistance has fallen by one-third as a share of donor GNP, to 0.22 per cent (Figure 2). Only five donors the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Luxembourg have achieved the 0.7 per cent target. How big is the shortfall against the promise made at the Earth Summit? If all OECD governments were spending 0.7 per cent of their GNP on development assistance, aid flows would be $114bn higher.

The world's largest economies the Group of Seven have led by bad example. In terms of per capita spending, only Japan was spending more on aid at the end of the 1990s than at the start of the decade. Countries such as the United States, Canada, Italy, and Germany have cut per capita aid by one third or more (Figure 3). The United States, the world's wealthiest economy, allocates only 0.1 per cent of GNP to aid, which is less than half of the OECD average. In aggregate terms, net official development assistance fell from $67.5bn in 1994 to $59.1bn in 1999. Although it coincided with a surge in private capital flows to developing countries, very little of that capital was directed to the poorest countries. Just 15 countries receive over 80 per cent of private capital flows. Thus the countries most dependent on aid have suffered major losses. Aid per capita fell from $34 to $20 in sub-Saharan Africa in the second half of the 1990s, and halved in South Asia over the same period. ...

In the most far-reaching proposal under consideration in the run-up to Monterrey, the Commission of the European Union called on its members to undertake a commitment to raise aid/GNP ratios to 0.33 per cent of GNP by 2006. However, even if adopted by all OECD members, the EU proposal would generate only $12bn in additional aid each year far short of the requirements for achieving the MDGs.

... the required increases in aid spending are relatively modest. Excluding the United States, the current gap between aid spending and the spending that would be required to reach the 0.7 per cent target is equivalent to around one per cent of government expenditure. For the United States, the figure is just under two per cent.

... rich countries clearly have the financing capacity to support achievement of the MDGs. Whatever the rigours of the stability pact, the EU spends 25 per cent more subsidising farmers through the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) than it spends on development assistance. Most of the $35bn allocated to the CAP provides subsidies to large commercial farms and corporations. If the same amount were allocated to development assistance, it would be possible to more than double the aid effort of EU member states and reach the 0.7 per cent target.

The United States would face a bigger challenge than Europe in financing its commitment to the MDGs. Our estimates suggest that the US would need to mobilise an additional $11bn a year in order to reach the 0.7 per cent goal within five years...

As in Europe, the US budget commitment to big farmers and powerful agricultural interests is in stark contrast to the lack of commitment to the world's poor. The USAID programme for global public health provides vital support to developing countries and poor communities in the fight against infectious diseases and preventable child deaths. Yet the $1.3bn allocated to this programme is equivalent in financial terms to the agricultural subsidies transferred in 2000 to the state of Texas. ...Over half of the $21bn in US agricultural subsidies is directed towards the wealthiest eight per cent of farms.


This material is being reposted for wider distribution by Africa Action (incorporating the Africa Policy Information Center, The Africa Fund, and the American Committee on Africa). Africa Action's information services provide accessible information and analysis in order to promote U.S. and international policies toward Africa that advance economic, political and social justice and the full spectrum of human rights.

URL for this file: http://www.africafocus.org/docs02/ox0203.php