|
Get AfricaFocus Bulletin by e-mail!
on your Newsreader!
Print this page
Somalia: Somali-Led Peace Processes
AfricaFocus Bulletin
Mar 30 2010 (100330)
(Reposted from sources cited below)
Editor's Note
"How do Somali communities deal with their need for security
and governance in the absence of a state? The reality is that
since 1991 numerous Somali-led reconciliation processes
have taken place at local and regional levels. Often these
have proven more sustainable than the better resourced and
better publicized national reconciliation processes sponsored
by the international community." Pat Johnson and Abdirahman Raghe
in new report from Conciliation Resources and Interpeace
While recent news coverage on Somalia has focused on the military
prospects of the Transitional Federal Government in Mogadishu, the
prospects of peace in Somalia depend significantly on other
factors. This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains an overview essay on
"How Somali-led peace processes work" from the new report, as well
as the table of contents listing the other essays in the report.
For the full report from Conciliation Resources and Interpeace see
issue 21 of Accord, at
http://www.c-r.org/our-work/accord/somalia/index.php
The report is also available at
http://allafrica.com/view/resource/main/main/id/00020075.html
For a report on a December 2009 consultation with Somali civil
society, see http://www.interpeace.org / direct link:
http://tinyurl.com/yeg22kg
Two additional AfricaFocus Bulletins released on Somalia today,
available on the web but not sent out by e-mail, are:
USA/Somalia: Engage or Disengage? at
http://www.africafocus.org/docs10/som1003b.php and
Somalia: Situation Reports at
http://www.africafocus.org/docs10/som1003c.php
For previous AfricaFocus Bulletins on Somalia, visit
http://www.africafocus.org/country/somalia.php
++++++++++++++++++++++end editor's note+++++++++++++++++++++++
How Somali-led peace processes work
Section introduction
Dr Pat Johnson and Abdirahman Raghe
How do Somali communities deal with their need for security
and governance in the absence of a state? The reality is that
since 1991 numerous Somali-led reconciliation processes
have taken place at local and regional levels. Often these
have proven more sustainable than the better resourced and
better publicized national reconciliation processes sponsored
by the international community.
Some Somali reconciliation processes have provided a basis for
lasting stability and development, such as those in Puntland and
Somaliland. Others have addressed an immediate crisis but have
not been sustained. But few processes are known beyond their
immediate context. A recent study by Interpeace and its partner
organizations has catalogued over 100 such indigenous peace
processes in south central Somalia, Puntland and Somaliland
since 1991. This has deepened our understanding of the
methods and efficacy of Somali peacemaking.
This introduction to Somali-led peace processes draws on
the findings of the Interpeace research
(
http://www.interpeace.org/index.php/Somalia/Somalia.html) and peace initiatives by
other civic actors.
The contributions that make up this section refer to different
types of Somali-led peace processes. Many processes draw on
traditional practices of negotiation and mediation conducted
by clan elders that have a long heritage in managing relations
between clans and sub-clans [please refer to the glossary for
a description of clan and elder]. Adapting to the context, they
also incorporate modern practices and technologies and involve
educated professionals.
Several of the articles also describe innovative peace initiatives
by women and other civic activists to end violence and deal with
security threats, which do not draw directly on
traditional practices. Some of the essential features of Somali
peacemaking and the generic lessons about peacemaking in
the Somali context are highlighted in the articles that follow.
Procedure
Thorough preparation is an essential feature of Somaliled
peace processes. Typically this involves making initial
contacts to establish a cessation of hostilities (colaad joojin)
and the formation of a preparatory committee to mobilize
people and resources and to ensure security. The committee
will usually set guidelines on the number, selection and
approval of delegates and the procedures for conducting the
negotiations.
The preparatory committee will assign other committees to
oversee different aspects of the process, including fundraising.
The choice of venue is critical for practical, political and
symbolic reasons. The hosting community has responsibility for
providing security and covering many of the expenses, which
are predominantly raised locally.
Respected and authoritative leadership and mediation talks
are chaired by a committee of elders (shirguudon), sometimes
from neutral clans. Since effective reconciliation is heavily
influenced by the quality of the mediation, facilitation and
management, it is fundamentally important that the chair is a
trusted and respected person who commands moral authority,
and is often a senior elder.
Three senior Somali elders from Somaliland, Puntland and
south central Somalia, Hajji Abdi Hussein Yusuf, Sultan
Said and Malaq Isaaq, talk in this section of the publication
about the qualities that elders are expected to possess.
They describe the vital role they play in maintaining peace
within their own community and in settling disputes with
neighbouring clans. Abdurahman 'Shuke' also explains
(see p. 58) the importance of traditional institutions, based
on xeer (customary law), in laying the foundations for
reconciliation and the emergence of stable political structures
in Somaliland and Puntland.
Inclusiveness is an important principle of Somali-led peace
processes, although women and displaced populations
are rarely involved in political deliberations for reasons
elaborated in the articles on women and on displacement.
The numbers of official delegates are agreed in advance
according to an established formula, usually based on
proportional representation by clan. Delegates speak and
negotiate on behalf of their community, to which they are also
accountable. Parties that are not directly involved but who
could become an obstacle to a settlement also have to be
accommodated.
Poetry, religion and ritual are all significant features, helping
to facilitate or sanctify an agreement, and therefore the
range of actors includes not only traditional and religious
leaders, politicians, military officers, diaspora, business
people and civic activists, but also poets, 'opinion makers'
and representatives of the media - all with recognized roles
to play.
Meetings typically attract a large unofficial contingent of
people who are part of the constituency to whom delegates
can defer and who may contribute through informal
mediation, specific expertise, drafting agreements or
mobilizing support. Often the final stage of a process is
witnessed by delegates of neighbouring clans, adding weight
to its conclusion. Inclusiveness is just as important in non
traditional processes, as illustrated by the account below of
the operation of the District Committee in Wajid (see p. 70).
Women's roles are rarely recognized beyond their support
for logistics in traditional inter-clan processes. As Faiza Jama
Mohamed explains in her article on women and peacebuilding
(see p. 62) , women's position in society - as daughters of one
clan or lineage and often married to another - has denied them
a formal role in politics. Nevertheless women have organized
themselves using innovative tactics to mobilize support and to
pressurize parties to stop fighting and continue dialogue when
it appears to be faltering.
In Somaliland peace conferences, women recited poetry to
influence proceedings. In 1998 in the Puntland parliament a
woman poet shamed male delegates into allocating seats for
women. Elsewhere women have pressed elders to reach an
accord and avoid conflict by offering to pay outstanding diya
(blood compensation).
In many urban settings women have been able to play more
influential roles, as Faiza Jama highlights in her account of the
remarkable efforts by women civic activists who have 'waged
peace' in Mogadishu and elsewhere.
Consensus decision making is another key principle of Somali
peacemaking. The time needed to negotiate consensus is
one reason for the length of some Somali peace processes.
Malaq Isaak observes (see p. 50) that speed can kill peace
processes. Different forces may be brought to bear to
encourage resolution, including the burden of financial
costs being borne by the hosting community or lobbying by
groups of stakeholders (often women). The authority of peace
accords derive from the consensus decision making process
as well as the legitimacy of the leadership, the inclusiveness
of the process, and the use of xeer. Abdurahman Shuke
explains how the use of xeer has been fundamental for the
restoration of peace.
Somali negotiators adopt an incremental approach to
peacemaking. First attempts to resolve a conflict often fail
and a process may be restarted with new strategies and
participants learning from one initiative to the next. Many of
the larger conferences are the culmination of several smaller,
localized meetings.
It is not uncommon for Somali peace processes to spread
over many months or even years. The process leading to
the conference and implementation of the accords produces
the peace, not the conference itself. Hajji Abdi Hussein
(see p. 60) explains how Somaliland's successes in
reconciliation and statebuilding in the 1990s are attributed
to a sustained focus on resolving issues at a community level
before tackling broader governance issues.
Somali-led peace talks typically ensure effective public
outreach throughout the process and wide dissemination
to ratify the outcomes. This is recognized as critical to the
legitimacy and sustainability of peace accords.
Substance
The aim of Somali peace meetings is to restore social
relations between communities and reinstitute a system of
law and order. Reconciliation is considered central to success
and is achieved through restitution and restorative justice
rather than retribution.
The declaration of responsibility by the aggressor is seen as
representing more than a third of the path to a solution. Both
Malaq Isaaq and Sultan Said (see p. 56) stress the importance
of 'telling truth' or 'confessing wrongdoing' as an essential
precursor to a settlement.
Many local peace processes reach agreements on reestablishing
institutions for governance. Ibrahim Ali Amber
'Oker' discusses the many different forms that such institutions
take in the still fragmented south central area of the country.
Abdurahman Shuke explains the need to restore the social
contract between clans after it has broken down and rules have
been broken. Compensation (diya) payments are agreed and
one of the jobs of an elder is to collect the agreed amount from
the clan members, as Malaq Isaaq describes. A key factor in
the recurrence of conflict can be delayed payment of diya and
some accords therefore include a timeframe for payments to
address this. Ibrahim Ali Oker suggests some of the factors
that have worked against instituting a more stable framework of
governance in south central Somalia.
Agreements usually institute sanctions for those violating the
accord, as highlighted below by both Abdurahman Shuke and
Malaq Isaaq. Often there is an agreement on mechanisms for
monitoring implementation and managing future conflicts.
Restorative justice supports social reconciliation through
collective responsibility but militates against individual
responsibility. Some local accords tackle this by specifying
that violations will be addressed through application of Shari'a
(Islamic law), rather than payment of diya. Ibrahim Ali Oker
observes that one of the weaknesses of locally negotiated
agreements in south central Somalia is the absence of a central
(or local) authority or administration to uphold or enforce them.
In terms of the agenda for peace conferences, a clear and
pressing objective of virtually every Somali led peace process
studied was that of ending violence and re-establishing public
security. The cessation of hostilities that preceded many
initiatives was reaffirmed and translated into a ceasefire at the
conference, and measures were instituted to maintain security
and build confidence.
In places where disarmament has taken place, like Somaliland
and Puntland, consensus is reached to put weapons at the service
of the local authorities. But there is an implicit understanding
that communities may withdraw these commitments should the
agreements be violated, thereby generating sufficient confidence
for the peace accord to be sustained. The Somali commitment to
consensus in peacemaking processes is reflected in commitments
to joint responsibility and management of ceasefires and social
control of the means of violence.
Outside the formal Somali framework of dispute settlement
and peace conferences, Somali men and women in many
walks of life have had to find innovative ways of dealing with
the security challenges they face. Women have played a
particularly important role as civil society activists seeking to
broker new arrangements for public security, as Faiza Jama's
article describes.
The extraordinary efforts that have been made by the public in
Mogadishu to contain violence and establish local systems of law
and order is also the covered in Jama Mohamed's contribution
on neighbourhood watch (see p. 66) . The remarkable survival of
Mogadishu's Bakaaro market is also described below (see p. 68).
These are important examples of the innovation that has take
place to achieve security in urban settings.
Different kinds of outcomes The large, region-wide
conferences in Borama in Somaliland in 1993 and Garowe
in Puntland in 1998 were political processes that produced
lasting agreements on power sharing. The important role that
traditional elders played in these peace processes is noted in
the article by Abdurahman Shuke and in the interviews with
elders from Puntland and Somaliland.
These conferences formulated a political vision of a future
state, articulated in charters that defined the structure and
responsibilities of public administrations and the establishment
of public security services. Such structures are still lacking in
south central Somalia where, as Ibrahim Ali Oker points out,
there are occupied territories and serious imbalances of power,
and where a capable administration is needed to uphold and
sustain agreements.
Finally, local processes are not divorced from national or
regional level politics. They can be heavily influenced by
factors beyond the control of the local communities, whether
political manoeuvring by their elite, external sponsors of local
conflict (including the diaspora), or dynamics emerging from
national level peace conferences.
Both Sultan Said and Malaq Isaak in conversations that took
place hundreds of miles apart each observe how difficult it is to
make or keep the peace when 'politicians' are involved, people
who are generally perceived as self interested, unrepresentative
and unaccountable. And as the articles by both Jama
Mohamed and Faiza Jama show, the neighbourhood security
arrangements that had flourished in Mogadishu foundered
largely as a result of national and international politics.
Interpeace's peace mapping study was carried out from January
2007 by Somali researchers from the Academy for Peace and
Development in Somaliland, the Puntland Development Research
Center and the Center for Research and Dialogue in south
central Somalia. Using Interpeace's participatory action research
methodology to interview over four hundred people.
The CRD also undertook research on internationally sponsored
national peace conferences in collaboration with Professor Ken
Menkhaus. Five films were also produced as part of the research.
Dr Pat Johnson has been Senior Program Officer with the Interpeace
Somali program since 2005, having previously worked with OxfamGB
and the UN in Puntland, and the EC Delegation in Nairobi.
She has played a major role in Interpeace's peace-mapping study,
undertaken by the three Somali partner institutions, which reviews
Somali-led peace initiatives and lessons learned from
national-level peace processes.
Abdirahman Osman Raghe was the Permanent Secretary in the
Ministry of Interior until 1989, later working for the UND P. He
returned from Canada to the Somali region/ Nairobi in 1998 as
one of the co-founders and deputy director of the Somali program
for WSP (later re-named Interpeace) and plays a lead role in
supporting reconciliation and peacebuilding throughout the Somali
region and democratization with the local communities in both
Somaliland and Puntland.
Contents
Map of Somalia 5
Introduction, Mark Bradbury and Sally Healy 6
A brief history of the Somali conflict, Mark Bradbury and Sally
Healy 10
Section 1: Lessons of international engagement 15
Diplomacy in a failed state, Ken Menkhaus 16
Mediating Djibouti, Meredith Preston McGhie 20
A conversation with HE Engineer Mahboub M. Maalim 24
Security and stabilization in Somalia, Jeremy Brickhill 27
A conversation with Nicolas Bwakira 30
Somali peace agreements, Warsan Cismaan Saalax and Abdulaziz Ali
Ibrahim 'Xildhiban' 32
Political representation in Somalia, Markus V. Hoehne 34
A conversation with Charles Petrie 38
Private sector peacemaking, Lee Cassanelli 41
Section 2: Owning the peace: lessons of Somali peace processes 45
How Somali-led peace processes work, Dr Pat Johnson and Abdirahman
Raghe 46
A conversation with Malaq Isaak Ibraahim 50
Community peace processes in south central Somalia, Professor
Ibrahim Ali Amber 'Oker' 52
A conversation with Sultan Said Garasse 56
Order out of chaos, Abdurahman A. Osman 'Shuke' 58
A conversation with Hajji Abdi Hussein Yusuf 60
Somali women and peacebuilding, Faiza Jama 62
Securing Mogadishu, Mohamed Ahmed Jama 66
Bakaaro market war 68
Wajid District 70
Towards a culture for peace, Maxamed Daahir Afrax 72
Section 3: Frameworks for stability 75
Somaliland, Mohammed Hassan Ibrahim and Ulf Terlinden 76
How to administer Mogadishu, Hassan Sheikh 80
Experiences of constitution making: Sub-section introduction, Sally
Healy 84
Somalia's constitution making process, Dr Kirsti Samuels 86
Making the Somaliland constitution, Ibrahim Hashi Jama 89
Puntland constitutional review process, Ahmed Abbas Ahmed and Ruben
Zamora 91
Islam and Somali social order 94
Identity, politics and Somali diaspora youth, Khadra Elmi 98
Displacement and peacebuilding in the Somali regions, Anna Lindley
102
Section 4: Conclusions 104
How does it end? Mark Bradbury and Sally Healy 105
Key texts 108
Profiles 109
Glossary 113
Chronology 115
Further reading 120
AfricaFocus Bulletin is an independent electronic publication
providing reposted commentary and analysis on African issues, with
a particular focus on U.S. and international policies. AfricaFocus
Bulletin is edited by William Minter.
AfricaFocus Bulletin can be reached at [email protected]. Please
write to this address to subscribe or unsubscribe to the bulletin,
or to suggest material for inclusion. For more information about
reposted material, please contact directly the original source
mentioned. For a full archive and other resources, see
http://www.africafocus.org
|
