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Africa: Understanding Organized Crime
AfricaFocus Bulletin
July 14, 2014 (140714)
(Reposted from sources cited below)
Editor's Note
"We have concluded that drug use must be regarded primarily as a
public health problem. Drug users need help, not punishment. We
believe that the consumption and possession for personal use of drugs
should not be criminalised. Experience shows that criminalisation of
drug use worsens health and social problems, puts huge pressures on
the criminal justice system and incites corruption. ... We caution
that West Africa must not become a new front line in the failed "war
on drugs," which has neither reduced drug consumption nor put
traffickers out of business." - West Africa Commission on Drugs
Two recent reports, one from the West Africa Commission on Drugs
cited above, and the second a report on Organized Crime in Southern
Africa from the Global Initiative against Transnational Organized
Crime, stress both the significance of growth in organized crime on
the continent and the need to avoid false solutions such as the "war
on drugs" approach that criminalizes ordinary users as well as
traffickers. Organized crime is an obstacle to development, the
authors of the reports note. But, equally, no approach can be
successful unless it addresses development and governance issues.
Trafficking in drugs, wildlife, and people, moreover, all cross
continental as well as national boundaries, and must be addressed in
terms of both supply and demand.
For more background, see the websites of the Global Initiative
against Transnational Organized Crime (http://www.globalinitiative.net) and of the West Africa Commission
on Drugs http://www.wacommissionondrugs.org).
Two AfricaFocus Bulletins on related issues include:
Africa: "War on Drugs" Blowback Effects, June 14, 2011
http://www.africafocus.org/docs11/wod1106.php
and
Guinea-Bissau: Drug Trade in Broader Context
http://www.africafocus.org/docs11/gb1106.php
For a wider global analysis, see the website of the Global Commission
on Drug Policy at http://www.globalcommissionondrugs.org/ Former UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan is a member of the Global Commission on
Drug Policy, and the Kofi Annan Foundation took the lead in setting
up the West Africa Commission on Drugs. Other prominent world and
African leaders are also involved in the two commissions, reflecting
a growing trend of questioning the traditional approach of the "war
on drugs."
++++++++++++++++++++++end editor's note+++++++++++++++++
Analysis: Understanding organized crime in Africa
by Philippa Garson
IRIN humanitarian news and analysis, a service of the UN Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
July 3, 2014
[Excerpts: full article available at http://allafrica.com/stories/201407031171.html]
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations]
New York, 3 July 2014 (IRIN) - Growing concern about the extent to
which organized crime is undermining stability and prosperity on the
African continent is galvanizing a search for analytical tools and a
clamour for more research to understand the contextual forces at play
and how best to undermine them.
Whereas debates on organized crime primarily centered on the
developed world, and then on Latin America and Central Asia, the
focus has shifted to Africa. "Where analysts once questioned the
relevance of organized crime as an issue in Africa, it is now
increasingly being perceived as a quintessentially African concern,"
reads a report, Unholy Alliances: Organized Crime in Southern Africa
put out by the Global Initiative against Transnational Organized
Crime and Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, based on discussions by a panel of
experts earlier this year. The report notes that of the growing
number of mentions and resolutions made by the UN Security Council
over the past eight years, 80 percent related to Africa.
Experts at the panel noted that there should be no "finger pointing"
at the continent or its states and that "the most developed states in
the world have roots in corruption and organized crime". Furthermore,
when trying to find solutions, "the role of Western countries and
companies as exploiters and consumers in Africa must sit in the
foreground."
The focus on Africa has largely coincided with the accompanying
realization over the last decade that not only does organized crime
threaten development but that development-orientated solutions are
necessary to combat it.
...
Growing demand in Asia and the Middle East for both licit and illicit
goods has fuelled trade in Africa. "The burgeoning market for
recreational drugs and wildlife products has caused criminal networks
in Africa to grow and become increasingly professional and
militarized. At the same time, demand for recreational drugs in the
Gulf, coupled with instability across North Africa, has pulled
trafficking flows eastwards," reads the report. The rise in
amphetamine use in emerging markets in the Gulf and Asia means that
drug production is no longer confined to specific geographical areas.
In southern Africa, weapons smuggling routes from the liberation wars
are now being used to traffic wildlife products and other illicit
goods.
Director of the Global Initiative against Transnational Organized
Crime Mark Shaw says beyond a few examples such as the gangs of the
Western Cape in South Africa, or patterns of organized crime in
Nigeria, classic definitions of organized crime do not in his view
apply to Africa. "It's not something you can confine to a box that
occurs separately from the state and commercial institutions. On the
continent, organized crime is much more clearly linked to these
institutions."
"Protection economy"
Shaw invokes the notion of a "protection economy" to illustrate how
the various players intersect in countries where the state's capacity
is weak. He identifies three key components that comprise a
protection economy: firstly, provision of violence or "the people
with guns" to secure the movement of contraband, which can vary from
elements in the security forces themselves to militia, to gangs, to
private security companies; secondly, corruption - involving payment
to key government officials; thirdly, criminal investment in the
communities themselves to ensure legitimacy and smooth operation,
such as payment to political parties, or financing of local
facilities.
"This is a better way to understand organized crime in a particular
context where the state is weak or unable to offer protection. It
allows you to look at the whole range of state, business, criminal
and community actors and understand how they are interrelated," adds
Shaw, who believes that every major criminal network operating on the
continent contains these three elements in varying degrees. Where the
state is particularly weak "the protection economy is most
pronounced," he says.
While the protection economy phenomenon is hardly unique to Africa it
is in evidence in many of its countries. The extent to which the
state is involved varies across the spectrum. Guinea Bissau has seen
full state involvement in the protection economy, while in Mali local
players in organized crime have had links to the state. In Libya,
where there are large swathes of ungoverned territory "protection is
sold by private brokers, often with ties to certain militia."
Where such overlaps between crime, state and politics occur,
traditional law and order responses - such as seizure of contraband
and locking up culprits (usually those at the lower levels) - won't
solve the problems, comments Stephen Ellis, researcher at the African
Studies Center in Leiden, the Netherlands.
...
A recent report by the West African Commission on Drugs notes that
"the work of traffickers in the region is facilitated by a wide range
of people, which can include business executives, politicians,
members of the security forces and the judiciary, clergymen,
traditional leaders and youth." Because elections are privately
funded in most parts of this region, they are easily co-opted by drug
money.
Examples of the involvement of the state and political actors in
organized crime across the continent abound - from elephant poaching
and ivory trade that implicates many countries, including Zimbabwe,
Sudan, DRC, Tanzania, Mozambique; to diamond mining in Zimbabwe; to
the arms deal in South Africa; to rhino horn trafficking (South
Africa and Mozambique); to smuggling, arms and drugs trafficking in
Libya and the Sahel; to trafficking of drugs and logging in Guinea
Bissau; to trafficking of ivory, gold and diamonds in the Central
African Republic. The list goes on.
Shaw believes that the "protection economy" tool allows one to "cost
protection economies and to measure progress against them". According
to the Global Initiative report, "consideration of the protection
economy and how it operates is an analytical tool that prompts the
consideration of a broader spectrum of issues and actors, and thus
arguably can increase the likelihood of improved interventions." One
can increase the protection costs of engaging in organized crime by
making the risk of exposure greater through dogged media
investigation, for example, says Shaw, or by helping communities
become more resilient to penetration by crime groups through
successful development initiatives.
A dangerous area for journalists
Investigating organized crime is easier said than done. Research by
the Committee to Protect Journalists shows that 35 percent of all
journalists killed since 1992 were covering organized crime and
corruption, often more dangerous beats for journalists than covering
conflict. Furthermore, when the "the lines between political and
criminal groups are blurred in many nations" the risk for reporters
goes up.
According to the CPJ, "criminal groups are operating increasingly
like armed political forces, and armed political groups are operating
increasingly as for-profit, criminal bands. Journalists have been
attacked while reporting on collusion between crime figures and
government officials, and they have been targeted while pursuing
crime or corruption stories during times of both peace and war."
Increasingly, development actors are being forced to engage with the
phenomenon of organized crime as they recognize the extent to which
it is enmeshed in all levels of society and feeds off poor
communities, subverting development agendas. In the Sahel, for
example, communities rely on the proceeds of organized crime, in the
same way as those in Somalia came to depend on the proceeds of
piracy, or the villagers in Mozambique on the money from rhino horn
poaching. Without alternatives, poor communities will continue to be
the foot soldiers of organized crime.
A recent Safer World report, Identifying approaches and measuring
impacts of programs focused on Transnational Organized Crime
describes transnational organized crime (TOC) as fast becoming a key
development issue and notes an increase in developmental approaches
to tackling it. "TOC is largely driven by the demand for illicit
goods in rich, developed nations. However, the impacts are felt most
keenly by communities in poorer countries with weak institutions."
According to the report, the "existence of linkages between the
various levels of the system within which TOC operates also suggest
that holistic strategies which draw on different approaches are
likely to have a higher impact."
pg/cb
Unholy Alliances: Organized Crime in Southern Africa
Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime and Rosa
Luxemburg Stiftung
June 2014
[Excerpts: full report available at http://www.globalinitiative.net;
direct URL: http://tinyurl.com/ps4yw7h]
Evolution and Growth of Organized Crime in Post-Colonial Africa
While organized crime is not new, the scope, scale and impact of it
in recent years are unprecedented. Organized crime has been
considered to be one of the greatest threats to global security,
stability and development, and is one of the five priorities of the
UN Secretary-General's Action Plan.
The growth and evolution of organized crime in Africa is deeply
interwoven within the fabric and nature of post-colonial States,
being both a response to and a driver of emerging and weak governance
frameworks, often authoritarian regimes, transitioning economies and
fragile social structures characterised by widespread poverty and
income inequality.
Globalisation and technology have brought economic growth, increased
stability and development in sub-Saharan Africa, but this has
arguably occurred in spite of the state, rather than because of it.
In a number of the countries in Southern Africa, criminal groups have
taken advantage of weak states and low regulatory capacity to grow
their illicit activities.
The manifestations of organised crime in Africa are many and varied,
ranging from natural resources crimes, exploiting southern Africa's
wealth in minerals, hydrocarbons, flora and fauna; to domestic and
transit trades in drugs, arms and people. Southern Africa is both
victim to and a proponent of cybercrime and other emerging technology
based crimes.
Where analysts once questioned the relevance of organized crime as an
issue in Africa, it is now increasingly being perceived as a
quintessentially African concern. Mentions and resolutions of
organized crime in the UN Security have increased dramatically
between 2005 and 2013. A further breakdown reveals that 80% of these
mentions and resolutions were focused on Africa, yet there are very
few focused on Central America or other regions. This indicates that
the UN views organized crime in Africa as an issue of peace, security
and statehood.
By contrast, the response to organized crime in Southern Africa, both
by the international community and national authorities, has largely
been understood through a security lens. Interventions have been
disproportionately geared towards building the capacity of law
enforcement and criminal justice systems. Responses that build the
resilience of communities affected by organized crime, offer
development alternatives, or reinforce the capacity of civil society
have been negligible. This perspective has tended to overlook, or
even reinforce, the socio-political context in which organized crime
can thrive.
A number of major shifts in the global economy have increasingly
situated African within an international organized crime picture. The
following trends are important to understand when articulating
organized crime in an African context:
Major shifts in illicit markets: The growth of demand in Asia and the
Middle East has impacted both legitimate and illicit trade in Africa:
the economic growth in Africa has been largely attributed to
commodity driven demand in Asia. The burgeoning market for
recreational drugs and wildlife products has caused criminal networks
in Africa to grow and become increasingly professional and
militarized. At the same time, demand for recreational drugs in the
Gulf, coupled with instability across North Africa has pulled
trafficking flows eastwards.
A breakdown in historical differentiations between source, transit
and consumers states: A number of features of modern technology have
prompted the breakdown of the traditional distinction between source,
transit and consumer states. Cybercrime, in particular, is a
locationless crime which can be perpetrated in any jurisdiction that
has sufficient connectivity, and has placed an unprecedented
challenge on national law enforcement, who lack the capacity and
skills to respond. The emergence of designer drugs, e.g. amphetamines
(which are more sought after in the emerging markets of the Gulf and
Asia than heroin or cocaine) have delinked drug trafficking from
specific production zones.
The way in which this distinction has also broken down, however, is a
specific feature of organized crime on the African continent, where
criminal networks have accumulated multiple illicit flows along
established routes. For example - in Southern Africa, routes and
relationships used to facilitate the smuggling of weapons are now
used to traffic other commodities such as wildlife products.
Intractable connections between crime, governance and democracy:
Participants noted that the growth of illicit networks and organized
crime in Africa are interwoven into the narrative of independence and
statehood on the Continent. Criminal resources were able to insert
themselves into key states as sources of 'legitimate' (development or
cold war) funds dried up. Multi-party democracy and the need to
finance electoral processes have presented a particularly vulnerable
point for criminal networks to gain influence and legitimacy.
In a number of countries across Sub-Saharan Africa, and also in
Southern Africa, states suffer from widespread corruption that
penetrates to the highest levels of the state. This has been
indicated by a number of high-profile indictments of figures close to
heads of state, or in senior law enforcement or security. This in
turn has created an aura of impunity for criminal acts, which is
having a corrosive effect on the rule of law more broadly.
It is increasingly evident that organized crime is having a
detrimental impact on the legitimacy of states and the capacity for
peace-building and central state consolidation. In a number of key
contexts, recent events have demonstrated the capacity for illicit
resources to empower some groups over others, altering the balance of
community relations. ...
West Africa Drugs trade threatens progress
Obasanjo and Annan call on West African states to reform to drug laws
and policies
June 12, 2014
News Release
West Africa Commission on Drugs
[The full report and more background is available at
http://www.wacommissionondrugs.org/report/]
Dakar, Senegal - In a joint declaration, the West Africa Commission
on Drugs concludes that drug trafficking, consumption and production
in West Africa undermines institutions, threatens public health and
damages development efforts. This is the key finding of the
Commission's report Not Just in Transit: Drugs, the State and Society
in West Africa.
The scale of the cocaine trade alone through West Africa (estimated
at $1.25 billion) dwarfs the combined state budgets of several
countries in the region.
"We call on West African governments to reform drug laws and policies
and decriminalize low-level and non-violent drug offences", Olusegun
Obasanjo, Chair of the Commission will say.
"West Africa is no longer just a transit zone for drugs arriving from
South America and ending up in Europe but has become a significant
zone of consumption and production" Mr Obasanjo will say. "The
glaring absence of treatment facilities for drug users fuels the
spread of disease and exposes an entire generation, users and nonusers
alike, to growing public health risks."
Kofi Annan, who initiated the West Africa Commission on Drugs, will
say: "Most governments' reaction to simply criminalise drug use
without thinking about prevention or access to treatment has not just
led to overcrowded jails, but also worsened health and social
problems".
"We need to gather the required political will to go after the
organized traffickers while reforming outdated laws and policies that
no longer fit reality", Pedro Pires, of the West Africa Commission on
Drugs will say. "We call on West African States to collaborate and
make common cause against a trade that knows no borders."
"We need the active support and involvement of civil society and of
the international community", Edem Kodjo, a member of the West Africa
Commission on Drugs will say. "South America, where most of the drugs
smuggled to West Africa come from, and Europe, which is the main
consumer market, must take the lead to deal with both production and
consumption at home. We cannot solve this problem alone; governments
and civil society have to come together in West Africa to help
prevent the drug problem from getting completely out of hand".
For further information, please go to:
http://www.wacommissionondrugs.org/report or follow the Commission on
Twitter at: @WACommission
About the West African Commission on Drugs
Kofi Annan, in consultation with international and regional partners,
national governments and civil society organizations, convened the
West Africa Commission on Drugs (WACD) in January 2013 to make face
to the ever-growing threats posed by drugs in West Africa.
The report is the culmination of one and a half years of engagement
by the Commission with national, regional and international parties
including the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and
Crime (UNODC). It is informed by a series of background papers,
drafted by leading experts from Africa and beyond.
The Declaration of the West Africa Commission on Drugs - Full text:
West Africa can look forward with optimism. Civil wars have receded,
democracy has gained ground and our economies are growing. But a
destructive new threat is jeopardizing this progress: with local
collusion, international drug cartels are undermining our countries
and communities, and devastating lives.
After looking at the evidence, consulting experts from the region and
around the world, and visiting some of the most affected countries
and communities in West Africa, we the Commissioners have reached a
number of conclusions - detailed in this report - about how we should
tackle the problems of drug trafficking and consumption.
We have concluded that drug use must be regarded primarily as a
public health problem. Drug users need help, not punishment. We
believe that the consumption and possession for personal use of drugs
should not be criminalised. Experience shows that criminalisation of
drug use worsens health and social problems, puts huge pressures on
the criminal justice system and incites corruption.
We abhor the traffickers and their accomplices, who must face the
full force of the law. But the law should not be applied
disproportionately to the poor, the uneducated and the vulnerable,
while the powerful and well-connected slip through the enforcement
net.
We caution that West Africa must not become a new front line in the
failed "war on drugs," which has neither reduced drug consumption nor
put traffickers out of business.
We urge the international community to share the burdens created by
the rise in trafficking through West Africa, which neither produces
nor consumes most of the drugs that transit the region. Nations whose
citizens consume large amounts of illicit drugs must play their part
and seek humane ways to reduce demand for those drugs.
We call on political leaders in West Africa to act together to change
laws and policies that have not worked. Civil society must be fully
engaged as a partner in this effort. Only in this way can we protect
our people, as well as our political and judicial institutions, from
the harm that illicit drugs can inflict.
AfricaFocus Bulletin is an independent electronic publication
providing reposted commentary and analysis on African issues, with a
particular focus on U.S. and international policies. AfricaFocus
Bulletin is edited by William Minter.
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