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Africa: NGO UNCTAD Statement
Any links to other sites in this file from 1996 are not clickable,
given the difficulty in maintaining up-to-date links in old files.
However, we hope they may still provide leads for your research.
Africa: NGO UNCTAD Statement
Date Distributed (ymd): 960626
Last year South Africa accepted the four year presidency of
the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
(UNCTAD), and agreed to host its IX international meeting. The
conference was held in Midrand, South Africa from 27 April-10
May 1996. A parallel conference was held immediately
preceding the official conference.
[Note: The following is excerpted from the full statement,
which is available by e-mail from the Institute for African
Alternatives ([email protected]).]
AFRICAN NGO DECLARATION FOR UNCTAD IX
Market Doesn't Replace Need for Development Cooperation
(This declaration was prepared by the parallel NGO Conference
to UNCTAD IX, held from 24-28 April 1996, in Midrand, South
Africa. The list of African organizations and individual
participants is attached below)
INTRODUCTION
This declaration emerges from the discussions amongst African
NGOs, labour, religious and other civil society organisations
who came together in a parallel conference prior to UNCTAD IX.
...
We share a common vision of a world which recognises its
essential interdependence while embracing human diversity in
all its forms; where justice and equity for all peoples is the
first priority, and in which principles of democracy and
popular participation are universally upheld so that the
creation of a peaceful, cooperative and sustainable future is
secured.
The current system of globalisation and liberalisation has had
devastating effects upon African economies. Our countries have
been pushed backwards into increasing debt,
de-industrialisation, agricultural decline, environmental
degradation, poverty and deepening inequality. Those worse
affected, such as children, youth and women, are already at
the margins of society. Financial and physical resources
continue to be drained out of Africa. Its marginalisation is
both a product of an inequitable international system and of
factors internal to African economies and polities.
We oppose a system which places growth above all other goals,
including human well-being, and which undermines national
economic development and social security. We see that this
system creates incentives for capital to externalise its
social and environmental costs. It over-exploits and destroys
the natural environment and encourages the unsustainable use
of resources. It turns social services into commodities out of
reach of the poor, generates jobless growth, derogates the
rights of workers and undermines trade union and other
democratic rights.
This global system has resulted in an ever greater
concentration of power and control over resources into the
hands of a relatively few transnational corporations and
financial institutions. This process has exacerbated
inequalities within and between countries, actively encouraged
competition for investment and financial resources, and
discouraged regional cooperation and integration amongst
African countries. However, we affirm that globalisation and
liberalisation are not irresistible processes but are the
product of human agencies and can therefore be influenced and
changed.
With respect to UNCTAD itself, we are concerned that it has
largely taken on board the 'realities' of the liberalising
globalised world order, although it does adopt a more holistic
and questioning approach and raises issues of particular
concern to the developing world. We are concerned at the
relative inaccessibility of UNCTAD to the voices of
non-governmental organisations and social movement
representatives. Nonetheless, we believe that UNCTAD can play
a useful role as a monitoring, research and policy development
organisation and as a capacity building and technical support
institution to governments and non-governmental forces in
Africa. ...
1 GLOBALISATION AND LIBERALISATION
... African countries have for many years already been subject
to such liberalisation processes through the imposition of
structural adjustment programmes (SAPs). The neo-liberal
economic paradigm makes our governments unresponsive to our
basic economic and social needs, forces open our economies to
the advantage of external traders and investors and makes
African countries ever more dependent upon the richer
industrialised countries and their transnational corporations.
Our countries are being recolonised, and the responsibility of
our governments to us is being replaced by their
responsiveness to the needs and interests of TNCs and their
home governments.
In this context we make the following key recommendations:
1.1 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must heed the calls from their
non-governmental organisations and social movements to resist
the imposition of SAPs and other liberalisation programmes.
These are damaging to people and economies and to governments'
own policy independence and relevance.
1.2 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must be transparent in their dealings
with the Bretton Woods Institutions and other external
agencies and, by providing full information and resources to
their own people, enable us to be more effective players and
active partners in the struggles against liberalisation
programmes.
1.3 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must take responsibility for their own
actions and not use the pretext of their obligations to
external agencies and international forces as excuses for
their own faults and their failures to respond to the
democratic demands and development needs of their own people.
1.4 UNCTAD as a research and capacity building organisation
focused particularly upon the needs of less/least developed
countries must support the right, and provide the technical
and policy backup for governmental and non-governmental
organisations and social movements in Africa, to pursue
development programmes that are relevant to their visions and
needs. ...
2 FINANCIAL FLOWS AND INVESTMENT
The attraction of foreign investment through the creation of
'conducive conditions' are presumed - including by UNCTAD - to
be the essential pre-condition for economic development
worldwide. ...
Our experience of foreign investment in Africa is that it is
minuscule in scale, concentrated in the extractive sectors,
and while it has limited positive linkages into our economies
it has many negative economic, social and environmental
effects. The purported necessity to attract foreign investment
is utilised by financial institutions and foreign governments
as an instrument to impose their policies upon our
governments. In the same way debt obligations are deliberately
maintained by creditors - particularly the Bretton Woods
Institutions - on account of the policy leverage it gives them
over governments and countries under debt management
programmes.
In this context we make the following key recommendations:
2.1 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must resist such dependence upon
foreign investment by mobilising all possible internal
financial sources and development resources, including
community, cooperative, and national public and private
enterprise. Furthermore, governments must play direct social
and economic development roles on more democratic,
participatory and accountable bases than hitherto.
2.2 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS should have recourse to Official
Development Assistance (ODA) while they work towards
mobilising alternative resources. Such ODA should be allocated
through transparent consultative processes and utilised in
appropriate and accountable ways.
2.3 AFRICAN COUNTRIES must insist on the cancellation of
external debts that cannot be repaid in order to enable the
mobilisation of internal resources for investment. Any further
external borrowing must be subject to clearly defined
development aims and transparent democratic consultations and
controls.
2.4 UNCTAD should conduct objective analyses of, and monitor,
the operations of transnational corporations (TNCs) around the
world, especially their effects on local communities, national
economies and the environment. ...
2.5 UNCTAD should continue its work on monitoring the nature
and effects of the astronomical and volatile speculative
international financial flows promoted by financial
deregulation and liberalisation. It should produce effective
proposals for regulatory controls upon such dangerous
financial forces.
3 TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT ISSUES
The new multilateral rules-based trade regime that emerged out
of the Uruguay Round of GATT has removed theoretically the
unilateralist threats and pressures by strong countries that
have long featured in international trade relations. However,
neither in its creation, nor in its content and application is
the new world trade regime, under the World Trade Organisation
(WTO), an equitable or impartial system. ...
In this context we make the following key proposals:
3.1 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must adopt joint negotiating positions
in the forthcoming meeting of the WTO in Singapore at the end
of this year in order to expose and oppose the limitations
that Trade Related Investment Measures (TRIMs) will impose
upon national investment strategies. They must also resist the
inclusion within the WTO of the proposed Multilateral
Investment Agreement (MIA). This would remove any governmental
regulatory controls, open up African countries to foreign
investors completely, and destroy local enterprises and farms.
3.2 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must similarly oppose the General
Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) which is forcing
countries to open up their service sectors to transnational
corporations. At the same time, Trade Related Intellectual
Property Rights (TRIPs) are imposing further financial and
legal restrictions on access to technology, with the danger of
the further appropriation by private enterprise of the world's
resources and human knowledge.
3.3. While powerful governments are creating conditions for
the rapid opening up of the markets of developing countries,
AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must struggle together for the right to
formulate and utilise appropriate trade and development
strategies for their countries. This includes targeted and
transitional tariff policies and other instruments in the
interests of their economies and peoples.
3.4 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must resist trade arrangements which
result in the continent being used as a dumping ground for
dirty industries and hazardous materials. ...
4 REGIONAL ECONOMIC INTEGRATION
Harmonisation, coordination and cooperation in technical,
economic, environmental, social and political spheres is
essential in an increasingly integrated and interdependent
world. Such cooperation is particularly important for African
countries. It is the essential basis for them to combine their
resources and form larger markets, and achieve economies of
scale in investment and production. This would enable them to
create appropriate forms of self-sustaining development, as
well as participate more effectively - to the degree and in
the directions that they judge necessary - in a highly
competitive world economy. ...
In Africa we see our governments paying mere lip service to
the aims of regional and continental integration. While
signing formal cooperation and integration agreements they
continue to have recourse to unilateral rather than
multilateral strategies and pursue policies that create
competition rather than cooperation between potential
development partners.
In this context we make the following key proposals:
4.1 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must resist the impetus toward 'solo'
integration into a hostile global economy that is being
promoted by SAPs and other unilateral liberalisation
programmes.
4.2 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must enter into serious multilateral
negotiations with fellow members of formal regional agreements
and turn these into real processes of cooperation and
integration; while at the same time recognising and supporting
multifaceted and informal processes of cross-border trade and
other forms of bottom-up cooperation and integration.
4.3 AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS must make the entire process of
regional cooperation and integration more transparent and
democratic. It is only on the basis of direct popular
participation, and as a people- driven process, that regional
integration will be real, sustainable and secure, and where
the rich diversity of peoples' cultures will be respected and
built upon.
4.4 UNCTAD must support regional integration amongst LDCs by
all means, including the defence, extension and utilisation of
the 'special and differential' provisions inserted into the
Uruguay Round as a gesture towards the particular difficulties
of LDCs. Fragile as these concessions are, the allowances for
negotiated multilateral preferential and free trade agreements
amongst LDCs must be upheld and implemented. ...
5 THE ROLE AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF NON-GOVERNMENTAL
ORGANISATIONS.
We must develop our own capacities to analyse and understand
the implications of globalisation and liberalisation. In this
respect, NGOs must prioritise capacity building, as well as
lobbying governments and international agencies, such as
UNCTAD, toward the creation of an enabling environment for
this. ...
Therefore we recommend that:
5.1 NGOs demand from our governments, UNCTAD and other
international organisations full information and participation
in the decision-making processes on all agreements and
processes relating to questions of international trade and
development.
5.2 NGOs utilise such sources, together with our own
independent research and experiences, to develop effective
input into national, regional, and international debates and
negotiations on these issues. ...
5.5 NGOs must create effective and mutually supportive
alliances with counterpart organisations and networks in other
countries of the South and the North on the basis of our
shared problems, our concern for our planet and our common
humanity.
Parallel NGO Conference to UNCTAD IX:
African Organizations and Delegates
African International Trade Centre, South Africa (Mamadou
Malick Bal, Juan Kirsten, Nalig Matatla, Christina
Moabelo)**Akanani Rural Development Association, South Africa
(Fred Bila)**All Africa Conference of Churches, Kenya (Khepi
Shole)**Alternative Information & Development Centre, South
Africa (Brian Ashley)**Arab Network for Environment and
Development, Egypt (Emad Adly)**Association for the
Advancement of Black Accountants, South Africa (Younaid
Waja)**Bureau de Liaison des Ong et Associations, Burkina Faso
(Rosina G E Kabore)**Centre for Southern African Studies,
South Africa (Dot Keet)**Christian Council of Ghana, Ghana
(Kwaku Anane)**Co-operative for Research & Education, South
Africa (Dale Tiflin)**Community Action Research Programme,
Zambia (Bandawe Banda)**Congress of South African Trade
Unions, South Africa (Martin Nicol)**Development Innovations
& Networks, Zimbabwe (Rudo Mabel Chitiga)**Development
Innovations and Networks, South Africa (Zaida
Harnecker)**District Development Forum, South Africa (Greekson
Zweni)**Econews Africa (TWN), Kenya (Ms Wagaki
Mwangi)**Economic & Cultural Promotion Agency, Ethiopia
(Yemataworke Haile)**Ecumenical Advise Bureau, South Africa
(Christiaan van der Merwe)**Ecumenical Documentation and
Information Centre for East and Southern Africa, Zimbabwe
(Richard Chidowore)**Ecumenical Service for Socio-Economic
Transformation, South Africa (Molefe S Tsele)**Environment et
Development au Maghreb, Morocco (Zahra Tamouth)**Environmental
Monitoring Group, South Africa (Roben Penny)**Environmental
Development Agency, South Africa (Victor Munik)**Foundation
for Contemporary Research, South Africa (Murray Michell, Abdou
Maliq Simone, Ginny Volbrecht)**Friends of the Earth - Ghana,
Ghana (Douglas Fifi Korsah-Brown)**Group for Environmental
Monitoring, South Africa (Gillian Addison, David Fig)**IDASA,
South Africa (Shirley Robinson)**Institute for African
Alternatives, South Africa (Rachel Houghton, Ernest
Maganya)**International Labour Resource Information Group,
South Africa (Victor Ngaleka)**International South Group
Network, Zimbabwe (Yashpal Tandon)**International Youth &
Student Movement for the United Nations, Zimbabwe (Rudo Shalom
Peace Mungwashu)**IRED, Zimbabwe (Bhekumusa Maboyi)**Just
Exchange, South Africa (Neziswa Everett Jordan, Felicity
Seragile)**Kenya Consumers' Organisation, Kenya (Jasper A
Okelo)**Khanya College Community Division, South Africa (Oupa
Lehulere, John Pade, Ighsaan Schroeder)**Land & Agriculture
Policy Centre, South Africa (Rosalind Kainyah)**League for
Woman and Child Education, Cameroon (Pauline Biyong)**Lesotho
NGO Business Commission Development, Lesotho (David T S
Seakhoa)**Lutheran World Federation, Swaziland (Z M
Nkosi)**Lutheran World Federation, Zimbabwe (Zivaishe Zinyoro
Ratisai)**National NGO Coalition, South Africa (Laura Joyce
Nondwe Kganyago, Sakina Mohamed)**National Labour & Economic
Development Institute, South Africa (Vishwas Satgar)**National
Community Media Forum, South Africa (Ashraf Alf Patel, Oscar
van Heerden)**National Centre for Development Cooperation,
Tanzania (Richard Kinisa Ndaskoi)**National Council of
Churches of Kenya, Kenya (Ramala Akinyi Matinde)**National
Community Media Forum, South Africa (Tshepo Rantho)**National
Progressive Primary Health Care Network, South Africa (Bernice
Ruth Langson)**NGOs Coordinating Committee, Zambia (Maggie S
Kapihya)**Organisation of Rural Associations for Progress,
Zimbabwe (Mr Livion Njini)**Philisisizwe Association for
Development Trust, South Africa (Thabi Shange)**Public
Services International, South Africa (Hassen
Lorgat)**Reconstruction & Development Council, South Africa
(Mahlengi Bhengu, Tebogo Phandu)**SANDON, South Africa
(Tsietsi Maleho, Pal Martins)**Service d'appui aux Initiatives
Locales de Developpement, Cameroon (Martin Nzegang)**Southern
African Non-Governmental Development Organisations Network,
South Africa (Naseegh Jaffer)**South African Students
Congress, South Africa (Malemolla David Makhura)**Southern
Centre for Energy and Environment, Zimbabwe (Tendayi Arnold
Kureya)**The Association of NGOs, The Gambia (Fatma
Baldeh)**Third World Network, Ghana (Hormeku Teiteh)**Transkei
Rural Development Co-ordinating Forum, South Africa (Mpho
Brian Lerutle)**Wilgespruit Fellowship Centre, South Africa
(Sister Angelical Lamb)**ZAKHE, South Africa (Ferdie Engel)
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