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Note: This document is from the archive of the Africa Policy E-Journal, published by the Africa Policy Information Center (APIC) from 1995 to 2001 and by Africa Action from 2001 to 2003. APIC was merged into Africa Action in 2001. Please note that many outdated links in this archived document may not work.

Africa: American Assembly, 2
Date distributed (ymd): 970506
Document reposted by APIC

Africa and U.S. National Interests
American Assembly
March 13-16, 1997

The American Assembly, 475 Riverside Drive, Room 456, New York, NY 10115; phone: 212 870 3500; fax: 212 870 3555; Email: [email protected];
web: http://www.columbia.edu/cu/amassembly/.

(continued from part 1)

POLITICAL INTERESTS AND POLICY

Real progress toward democracy has occurred in many countries (e.g., Benin, Botswana, Eritrea, Ghana, Mali, Namibia, and South Africa), all of which should be applauded for their achievements. However, this progress often remains fragile. In many other countries (e.g., Zambia, Burundi, Niger, and the Central African Republic), there has been backsliding, military coups, or persistent authoritarian regimes that resist the forces of change that are occurring globally. Therefore, two primary approaches are recommended for U.S. policy to promote good governance, democracy, and human rights. The first relates to strategies for fostering open political systems. The second relates to policies toward the "giants in crisis" (Zaire, Nigeria, and Sudan).

Democratization and Good Governance

U.S. support for democratization in Africa since 1990, through the programs of the USAID, USIA, and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), has been of great value to the process of political change, especially in the important area of free and fair elections. The U.S. should continue to coordinate with other bilateral and multilateral donors in supporting the positive trend toward democratization on the continent through in-country policy dialogue and specific program activities. Such coordination emphasizes the universality of democratic principles.

As the democratic process in many African countries advances, U.S. programs should emphasize the building of capacity and competence of state institutions, such as legislative bodies, justice systems, the civil service, the police, and the military. T[t]he emphasis should be on limited and accountable government that has the capabilities and professionalism to deal with the critical issues of diversity and pluralism, the rule of law, the efficient provision of public services, the maintenance of order according to democratic practices that respect human rights, and the development of systems to prevent bribery and corruption. Militaries should be professionalized so that they are under the strict control of elected civilian governments and are loyal to constitutional order rather than to particular groups or factions in society. Building state capacity also includes creating the regulatory environment for economic growth and development under the rule of law.

In the area of human rights, all African states have adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and associated covenants, and have ratified the International Labor Organization conventions on workers' rights. There is agreement within the international community on what constitutes human rights violations and how to measure them. Most of these principles have also been enshrined in the African Charter for Peoples and Human Rights. The United States should support African states in fulfilling their obligations under these international and regional agreements.

An essential component of promoting democracy and human rights is the strengthening of African civil society. Particular attention should be directed toward the women's organizations; human rights groups; the media; independent research, advocacy, and policy institutions; and academic institutions. There are three critical approaches to strengthening civil society.

• First, the United States should increase its activities with African governments to create an environment that is conducive to civil institutions.
• Second, the United States should continue to encourage linkages between U.S. civil institutions and their counterparts in Africa.
• Third, the United States should direct increased resources to support African non-governmental organizations (NGOs) .

Giants in Crisis

Three large countries--Nigeria, Zaire, and Sudan--face serious crises that can repercussions far beyond their borders. We believe that a false choice has been presented for U.S. policy with respect to Nigeria and Sudan, namely that the United States must choose between isolation and engagement. Instead, we believe that a three-pronged effective policy approach toward both countries must involve government-to-government dialogue, aid to democracy advocates and civil society, and the application of sanctions and other forms of pressure. There should be an integrated, nuanced, and flexible policy that is responsive to events on the ground. We also believe greater attention should be given to Nigeria, where there is still time for preventive diplomacy, and that regional efforts to bring peace to Sudan should be supported.

With respect to Zaire, the largest failed state in Africa, U.S. policy should aim at encouraging an exit for the old regime and facilitating the emergence of a legitimate government, thereby decreasing violence and minimizing loss of life. The United States should be prepared to support international intervention, if necessary, in order to prevent large-scale human suffering and loss of life.

SECURITY ISSUES

In recent years, Africa has been the theater of some of the world's most persistent conflicts. A number of long-standing civil conflicts have been resolved since 1990, thanks to the vigorous diplomatic and military interventions of a variety of actors. The United States has contributed in various ways to many humanitarian and peacekeeping efforts. As most African countries transition to democratic political systems, the causes of violent conflict are diminishing. Nevertheless, some countries continue to be mired in corrupt and authoritarian regimes, and are deeply stressed. Instability in these countries threatens neighbors as well as prospects for development, and inevitably impacts resident U.S. citizens, property, and investments. Preserving and enhancing security in Africa should therefore be a high priority for U.S. policy, in order to consolidate economic and political gains and to protect American interests.

Preventive Diplomacy--Often, the United States has been unprepared and unwilling to deal in a timely way with serious crises in Africa. The United States needs to emphasize preventive diplomacy as a central part of its policy. This involves 1) strengthening U.S. information collection capabilities; 2) strengthening U.S. ability to analyze the data collected; and, most critically, 3) strengthening U.S. political will to act. Preventive diplomacy saves lives, saves money, and reduces the need for military intervention. For example, roughly as much (approximately $700 million) was spent in Rwanda in the eighteen months following the genocidal violence in 1994, as was spent that year in total bilateral development assistance in sub-Saharan Africa.

The United Nations--The United Nations has been the primary actor in peacekeeping in Africa for more than three decades. To enable the organization to continue this role, which is highly cost-effective for the United States, the United States must take action to pay its arrears and assessments to the UN and to all agencies of the UN system.

African Conflict Management Initiatives--The Organization for African Unity (OAU) and several subregional groupings have taken significant initiatives in the area of conflict prevention, management, and resolution. African leaders have demonstrated a growing political will to invest in conflict management activities with the cooperation of civil society, the United Nations, and other actors in the international community. The United States should continue to support such initiatives on a sustainable basis through the allocation of resources, the provision of technical assistance, and the encouragement of close UN support for African peacekeeping and conflict resolution initiatives. The United States should also increase its efforts to address the mounting crisis of internal displacement and the massive flow of refugees across state borders.

African Military Professionalism--Stability and security in Africa will depend to a great extent on the professionalism and commitment to democracy of African military establishments. The most important effort t[T]he United States can make is to encourage civilian control of Africa's militaries. The United States is playing an important supporting role through the Expanded Military Education and Training (IMET) program to assist African officials charged with oversight of the military, and to facilitate dialogue between African military, civilian officials, and civil society organizations. The United States further supports the professionalization of African militaries through regular contacts between U.S. military personnel and their African counterparts, including national and regional joint training exercises, visits to U.S. military command, attendance at U.S. military schools, and U.S. military visits to Africa (for humanitarian relief training). U.S. resources devoted to these activities should be restored from the present level of $ 10 million to levels existing prior to 1990, which were approximately $30 million. The overall cost of such activities is minimal compared to the cost of responding to conflicts that are often exacerbated by unprofessional armies.

Crisis Intervention Policy--The United States should encourage African governments to discharge effectively the responsibilities of sovereignty in good governments and conflict management. When conflict prevention and management efforts are unsuccessful, major humanitarian crises can sometimes ensue. In such situations, a vigorous international response is appropriate. This is especially true when such crises threaten to degenerate into genocide. International interventions, military or otherwise, will rarely succeed without the forceful leadership of the United States in cooperation with the international community, most often within the context of the UN. The evolving African Conflict Response Initiative provides a mechanism through which the United States can recommit itself to the exercise of such leadership.

Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Reconciliation--African countries emerging from violent conflict face enormous challenges, such as demobilization, demining, infrastructure repair, and restoration of governmental functions. If reconstruction does not progress, conflict can easily return. The United States and the international community must play a role in post-conflict reconstruction. However, with the costs so substantial, it is difficult for the United States to contribute to these needs without drawing from resources previously allocated to, and needed and deserved by, stable countries that are performing well. The United States should seriously consider separate budgetary allocations for reconstruction of war-ravaged countries.

Transnational Security Issues--U.S. interests in curbing arms proliferation, drug trafficking, international criminal activities, terrorism, the spread of infectious disease, and environmental degradation are as significant in Africa as they are in the rest of the world. The United States should develop better sources of information and analysis on these problems as a basis for enhanced cooperation with African governments, the OAU, and subregional organizations in combating these threats to mutual security interests.

LEADERSHIP INITIATIVES TO REINVIGORATE AFRICA POLICY

In recognition of Africa's dramatic political and economic transformation and of Africa's growing importance to U.S. national interests, this American Assembly calls for renewed and vigorous national leadership on U.S. - Africa relations:

• President Clinton should travel to Africa to draw attention to Africa's political and economic renewal, and to engage Africa's leaders on issues of mutual concern, such as international trade, conflict prevention, and peacekeeping.
• The president should also invite selected African leaders to participate in a U.S.-Africa Partnership Summit to explore ways and means of strengthening U.S. economic and political linkages.
• The president should take the opportunity of his chairmanship of the G-7 Summit meeting in Denver in June 1997 to announce the creation of the African Partnership Fund as part of a comprehensive U.S. trade and investment initiative for Africa. In addition, the G-7 countries should be encouraged to take coordinated action to facilitate Africa's full and equitable participation in the global economy.
• Government agencies responsible for trade and investment must mobilize to take advantage of Africa's dramatically improved economic environment In particular, the growing complexity of U.S.-Africa trade relations requires the appointment of an Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Africa.
• The National Security Council should be tasked to coordinate Africa-related policies, programs, and activities to ensure the effective implementation of new initiatives launched by the president. This coordinated undertaking should include, minimally, representatives from the Departments of State, Defense, Commerce, and the Treasury, as well as USAID and the U.S. Trade Representative's Office. The goal should be the development of a truly holistic approach to the critical questions of U.S. Africa policy.
• The Congress must ensure that the State Department, USAID, and USIA all retain adequate resources and personnel to be effective. The Department of Defense is to be commended for restoring many of the defense attache positions lost in recent years, but the trend of closing diplomatic posts and sharply scaling back the number of countries in which the U.S. foreign aid program operates is damaging. Assembly participants are mindful of the crucial leadership role that Congress has played in changing the course of U.S.-Africa relations at important junctures, e.g., the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1996. Reinvigorated Congressional interest and leadership on Africa now can and must make a real difference.
• Finally, Congress must continue current levels of development funding for Africa, and should reduce programming restrictions to provide a more flexible instrument for responding to the dynamic changes in Africa. These programs are targeted at enhancing the capacity of Africa's low-income countries to promote broad-based, poverty-reducing, and private sector-led development strategies. In addition, Congress must lend its authority and financial support to the African Partnership Fund.

In recommending more vigorous and visible U.S. leadership for enhanced American engagement in Africa, the participants in this American Assembly have not lost sight of the ultimate responsibility that Africans themselves have in the shaping of their continent's future. With the best will in the world, the United States and other international partners cannot create development or democracy in Africa. Only Africans can make this happen. The good news is that new leadership, determined to bring about meaningful change, has emerged in a majority of African countries.

All Americans have an interest in helping to ensure the success of these extraordinary reform efforts. The United States must send a clear message to those African countries that have embarked on serious political and economic transition that they can count on the sustained cooperation of the United States in a mutually beneficial partnership.

PARTICIPANTS IN THE NINETIETH AMERICAN ASSEMBLY

See list on American Assembly web site: http://www.columbia.edu/cu/amassembly/